The Red Hand

India has always been a land of various ideologies, openness, and tolerance. But what happens when an ideology arrives that does not reciprocate this pluralism?

First Touch

Marxism is one of the most explosive ideologies of the 19th and 20th centuries. It’s history in India begins during Karl Marx’s life when a few Indian admirers unsuccessfully tried to organize a chapter of the First International, a trans-national movement to organize various laborers, trade unions, and communist activists. A German-based Indian even wrote a book on Marx – Karl Marx – A Modern Rishi – an ironic label for someone who abhorred religion.

Marxism gained ground in India upon news of the Russian Revolution, as echoes of the Bolshevik’s support for self-determination rang in India. The British Raj was entering some of its most oppressive phases, so the idea of overthrowing vampiric elites was very attractive to all Indians, not just Marxist sympathizers.

Marxism influenced various Independence leaders. While the young Bhagat Singh embraced a strident version of Marxism that advocated violent revolution and atheism to achieve its goals; others such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose advocated basic socialist methods to make India rise. In other cases, parties were born that were explicitly Marxist/Communist/Socialist such as the Communist Party of India (CPI) and socialist leaning Ghadar Party. Funny enough the CPI was much more parliamentarian in its approach to independence, while the Ghadar Party advocated violent revolution.

As independence grew near, the CPI grew more antagonistic towards the Indian National Congress (precursor to modern INC Party), even creating a committee called the “League Against Gandhism“ because they believed that Gandhi was compromising with the British. The British themselves tried to throttle communist literature and meetings in India but eased their stance during their WW2 alliance with the Soviet Union.

The Cusp of Revolution

With Indian Independence, the CPI and communism in general became a chaotic and violent opposition to Nehru’s socialist INC. The CPI infused an Indian masala to traditional Marxist struggles by focusing on caste inequalities (class struggle) and agricultural distress (labor struggle). As time went on, the CPI formed the principal opposition in Lok Sabha to the INC in 1952.

This touch of power ultimately proved to be communism’s downfall in India. Theoretically, India was ripe for revolution. Inequalities were staggering, caste was oppressive, and laborers in farms and factories were suffering. But why did it not flourish in this perfect scenario?

There are a number of reasons.

The main one can be credited to Jawaharlal Nehru’s political dispositions. While Nehru made sure India technically stayed non-aligned during the Cold War, he had clear Soviet sympathies due to his passion for socialism. The Soviet Union then made a geopolitical point to preserve a favorable INC government and influenced Communist leaders to tone down their calls for violent revolution.

The communists would, of course, revolt anyways.

And here comes the overreach. With many communists obeying the USSR, the uprisings were more muted than their terrifying potentials. Small struggles occurred in Kerala and Tripura establishing decent bases for the CPI but nothing with country wide dominance. A much more toxic insurgency would be born in West Bengal, but not before another fatal error by certain CPI cadres – treason.

Nehru’s naïveté was exposed during the 1962 war with China, a war which India would go on to lose. A belligerent China was incensed by India’s support to Tibet as well as general border disputes. Nehru did not believe China would attack so India’s defenses were unprepared for the Chinese attack. But what really rubbed salt into the wounds would be the traitorous support of certain sections of the CPI to Mao Zedong’s China.

This betrayal would fracture the CPI as sections seceded and formed their own party – the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – original…I know. The CPI-M were much more radical and included the sections that supporting China in the 1962 war.

Now is the moment that communism as an organized political revolution really starts unraveling in India. As aforementioned, the CPI-M attempted to revolt in a little town called Naxalbari in West Bengal. The 1967 revolution caught steam, and Mao Zedong supported the smoke. Communism established a strong foothold in Bengal as lower-class tribals rose up against rich upper castes. However this movement would soon splinter due to infighting and external pressure from the Indian state.

A common theme we can see here is the violent tribalism in Indian communism. India itself is extremely tribal; but with Marxism’s emphasis on division of class, culture, and oppression contests, Indian communist movements seem to eat themselves up and always die with infighting. While communists claimed to fight caste and wealth, rich Brahmins would dominate leadership positions in the parties.

Moreover, Marxism is highly materialistic, and its meditation is constantly on “my fair share.” This doesn’t sit well with the ascetic philosophy of India that trickled down for millennia to the masses. Detachment was supreme. Indian philosophy had summarily defeated and absorbed various foreign ideologies for thousands of years.

Marxism was essentially an extreme Abrahamic faith such as Puritanism or Salafism with its:

• Intolerance for other ideologies
• Fantastic and unrealistic vision of a future utopia (heaven)
• Infallible prophet in Karl Marx
• Fanatical devotion to the establishment of a communist state, it’s one true God.

Marxism’s devotion to division proved too much even for the commonly divided Indian people. Perhaps this is due to this new realization of Indian unity that revolutionaries such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel espoused. The idea of a united India has always been there since ages past. The culmination of a united India may have proved too strong for Communism’s dividing forces.

A Creeping Silence

Indira Gandhi, daughter of Nehru, would soon become India’s most powerful politician while all this communist mayhem was occurring. Indira herself would insert the words “Socialist” forcefully into the Indian Constitution during her unlawful Emergency period. She enforced a 93.5% top marginal tax rate while experiencing dismally low growth rates and 20%+ inflation rates overall during her 15 year tenure. This socialist mentality would drag India economically until the IMF mandated liberalization reforms in 1991, where India moved towards a more free market economy and began unleashing its economic potential.

To form a coalition government, she accepted CPI support. In exchange, CPI Marxists began populating Indian academia, media, and bureaucracy. History books were rewritten, and Indian education was dragged through the dirt with Marxist fantasies and ideals. Much of this Marxist revision would eerily resemble colonial tropes. Ancient India would be described as backwards, oppressive, and caste obsessed. The horrific crimes of Islamic invasions and British colonialism would be whitewashing and maximum blame was directed towards Hinduism for all of India’s problems. Millions of Indians would be brought up on this poppycock and whole heartedly believe this engineered self-hate. Marxists made a point that the brown savages of the subcontinent needed to be saved by foreign ideologies – a mentality that still engulfs the minds of many Indian elites today.

However, Indira would be ruthless in eliminating those who challenged her rule and Indian sovereignty. Just as she brutally put down the Khalistan menace, Indira turned her attention to the chaotic Naxal movement. She shattered the movement with Operation Steeplechase where hundreds of Naxals were killed and 20,000 cadre members imprisoned. However, the Naxal movement would silently bleed red across eastern India forming a region now known as the “Red Corridor.” This mineral rich region would see Naxals indoctrinating tribals across Chattisgarh, West Bengal, and Andhra Pradesh to rise up against the Indian state. The movement would become increasingly violent and grotesque with frequent rapes and murders sparing no man, woman, or child.

As time went on, Communists would establish strong footholds in Kerala, West Bengal, and Tripura, subsequently destroying all 3 state’s economies. A stranglehold over their politics would be enforced with violence, booth capturing, and media subservience. The Naxal menace would ferment until the 2000s, when PM Manmohan Singh would finally confront the Naxal cadres with the Indian Army. Ever since then, the Naxal movement became progressively more weak as both Singh and Modi governments decimated the rebels.

God’s Own Country

Organized communism’s grip on India has progressively faded since the early 2010s. West Bengal’s CPI-M government fell after decades of rule as Mamata Banerjee’s TMC would topple their regime. Subsequently, she would prove to outdo their insanities with her own. In Tripura, the BJP defeated another decades old communist regime in 2018.

Now Kerala is where the present situation of Indian communism is strongly personified.

Increasingly over the years, Indian communism has had a very adversarial relationship with Hinduism. It was fine with and even supported Islam and Christianity in the subcontinent, but communists would loathe Hinduism. This is a fulfillment of cultural Marxism. Seething hatred for the majority religion, culture, and history. Every single Hindu practice and tradition would be seen through the blood tinted lens of oppression and class (caste). Nuance and logic were blasphemy to these missionaries of hate.

Back to Kerala. Kerala has some of the highest Human Development Indices in all of India. Some attribute it to communism’s equality and development but the shoddy states of West Bengal and Tripura speak otherwise. You see, Kerala has always had a strong ethos of education and social justice especially by the pre-colonial Travancore kingdoms. British missionaries expanded much of this infrastructure to all castes and so did communism. In this way, communists just doubled down on Kerala’s strengths. In addition, huge amounts of remittances flow into Kerala from Persian Gulf workers.

Kerala, known as God’s Own Country, is extremely diverse religiously and is known for its pluralism:

• Hindus – 55%
• Muslims – 27%
• Christians – 18%

But with this diversity comes the dark side of communism. Kerala’s biggest exports are ISIS fighters and indentured servants/slaves in the Gulf. Many of these Gulf Keralans come back indoctrinated by Wahabbi Islamic extremists. Keralan churches have been frequent sites of sexual and financial abuses. All this occurs under a blind eye, while Keralan Hinduism is mocked and slowly destroyed.

The land of Adi Shankara, one of the greatest Hindu thinkers and reformers, has witnessed an all out assault on Hinduism from Communists. The CPI has taken over the Devaswom (Hindu Temple) Board and filled it with atheists and Christians. Their attack on Sabrimala has become a lightning rod for Hindus across South India. Even more crass was their support of atheist activists to be some of the first women under 50 allowed into the Sabarimala temple rather than real devotees. They wanted to send a message to Hindus – they will not tolerate, but will break their traditions.

But the most sinister aspect of Indian communism doesn’t manifest in terms of political parties, it takes place in the media and NGOs.

Urban Naxals

Vivek Agnihotri’s book, Urban Naxals, catapulted onto the scene in 2018 to much fanfare as well as vitriol. Agnihotri succinctly explained, summarized, and exposed a nexus of NGOs, media, and activists who abet the Naxalite movement in India. Agnihotri coined the term “Urban Naxal” as one who is a part of or sympathetic to this nexus.

The term caught wildfire as its use spread on mainstream outlets and especially social media. The forces that many people suspected and observed were now aptly labeled and identified. Naming them was half the battle. Now comes the second half of the war.

These urban Naxals would be found across academia, media, and the bureaucracy. As Indian intelligence caught wind of certain Naxal sympathizers and financiers, they arrested a number of them. This led to further outcry amongst Naxal sympathizers and validation amongst those who campaigned against urban Naxals.

Another example of Urban Naxal influence was the massive mobilization, support, and supply for the farmer protests and agitations in 2018. While the cause is noble, Indian agriculture has severely suffered from overregulation and government intervention. Indian communists want even more.

These same Naxal supporters would enter the fray come election time. A few politicians are up for election that some would call Urban Naxals:

• Kanhaiya Kumar – An infamous student/activist and now CPI member who protested the hanging of convicted terrorist Afzal Guru, who attacked the Indian parliament. He lead a rally where chants of “Bharat, tere tukde honge, insha’allah, insha’allah” (India, we will break you into pieces, God willing, God willing). He along with his fellow JNU radicals Shehla Rashid and Umar Khalid were widely condemned, yet he is still contesting a ticket with wide support from various Bollywood actors and media houses. Would this really fly in any other country?
• Atishi Marlena – Named after Marx and Lenin, Atishi was raised in an extreme Marxist household where her parents also defended Afzal Guru and had numerous links with anti-Indian communist parties. She has been recorded saying that people should not hesitate to vote for goons and criminals in order to oust Modi. Marlena trumpeted her achievements as Aam Aadmi Party’s Delhi Education Minister Advisor, just to have outlets dig into her dubious claims finding various discrepancies, lies, and failures.
• Prakash Raj – A former actor and independent candidate who has shown sympathies for AAP and CPI. He has publicly admired the Tukde Tukde gang as India’s next big political movement and voice of the youth. He has campaigned for Kanhaiya and AAP. He shows classic communist mentalities in terms of religion by praising Islam and Christianity versus goading attacks on HInduism.

Marxism has creeped into mainstream parties such as the AAP who increasingly find themselves veering left contrasting with their early moderate days. But even more worrying is its influence on the Congress Party

Rahul Gandhi has whole heartedly embraced many aspects of Marxism. He has filled his advisors with avowed Marxists reflecting his radically far left economic policies. Large government intervention and sops are perfect vehicles of corruption. Worse still is his election manifesto promises on Kashmir:

• Army powers and presence are significantly reduced by diluting AFSPA
• Appeasement for separatists by leaving Article 370 alone
• Ignoring realities of extremist infiltration by encouraging dialogue with anti-India terrorists

All this is reinforced by the silent cartel of Marxist supporting media, NGOs, and activists. Through this Marxist web, various political parties have formed an opposition to Modi. They will go at any length to attack Modi even attacking India itself. Indian communism has morphed into an essentially anti-Indian ideology if not theology. It is an almost exact mirror to early Maoist thought that sought to destroy China’s glorious past and replace it with a Frankenstein of forced Western ideology.

It must be said though that socialism is very central to Indian politics. Indira’s insertion of socialism into the constitution is still keenly felt today. Even the oft described “right-wing” BJP are very left economically (much farther left than American Democrats). If not for Modi’s policies that many would describe socialist (Ayushman Bharat, Ujjwala, Housing/toilet building projects, etc…), there is a large chance he would never get reelected. Reigning in socialism in India will be a very difficult task, but a second term of Modi may see him returning to his capitalist ways of Gujarat. Perhaps a mixed economy is the best answer, but India still has a ways to veer right.

So that brings us back to our initial question – Why did communism fail to take root across India when the situation was begging for its revolution?

1. Jawaharlal Nehru – His embrace of socialism appeased the USSR to restrain communist uprisings. Nehru’s political acumen constantly tested and frustrated the CPI as well. Nehru was a hero of independence who had walked with the Mahatma. Not many opposition leaders could go toe to toe with him. It was an almost ideological homeopathy where a milder form (Socialism) of the extreme (Communism) was administered to quell the ultimate disease (Marxism).
2. Economic Stagnation – India’s economy was crushed under excessive government intervention and animosity towards markets that dominated much of Indian economics till the 1991 market liberalization reforms. A sour taste was left in the mouths of many who did not want to consume more extreme versions of the bitter red pill.
3. Antithesis of Indian Thought – Marxism became essentially anti-Indian as time went on. The poor just wanted food in their belly, free things, and to stop being oppressed. They didn’t care for concepts like Brahminical Patriarchy or why their dhoti was fascist. They didn’t take kindly to their gods being demeaned. Marxist materialism could never defeat the ancient and ingrained Indian asceticism. The communists had no opportunity to force their ideology on the people like other foreign ideologies did in India.

Overall, India’s relationship to Marxism, communism, and socialism is intensely complex and consequential. India would not be the India today if not for this triumvirate, for better or for worse. The Red Hand has left its mark on India. Only time will tell if India will accept its embrace again or shatter it.